Pronominal affix systems can be defined as the set of all verbal morphology in a given language which either agrees with and cross-references the core arguments of the clause, or which actually instantiates those arguments. In some languages, these morphemes occur fused together into a single portmanteau morpheme (Iroquoian).  In others, they occupy adjacent slots in the verbal template (Quechua, Yup'ik, Kabardian), or occur near each other on the same side of the verb root (Athabaskan, Bantu).

However, in a number of typologically and genetically diverse languages, information about the person, number, gender and role of the core arguments of the clause is distributed across various places in the verb, frequently split on different sides of the verb root.  In some languages, different pronominal arguments occur on different sides of the verb.  Compare these two examples from Chickasaw (Muskogean):

malli-li
jump-I
I jump.

ish-malli
you-jump
You jump.

In Yimas (Lower Sepik, New Guinea), Agents and Themes occur as prefixes, but Datives occur as suffixes.

k-nan-tkam-r-mpun
it-you.all-show-perf-to.them
you all show it to them

In Delaware (Algonquian), person marking and number marking referring to the same argument can occur on different sides of the verb root. Compare the following two examples, where the suffix -na indicates plurality of the indirect object, which is also coded by the 1st person prefix në-.

në-mil-ëk-w
1-give.it-inverse-he
he gives it to me

në-mil-ëk-w-na
1-give.it-inverse-he-plural
he gives it to us

Likewise, Koryak (Paleosiberian) has ergative arguments marked with prefixes, and absolutive arguments marked with two non-adjacent suffixes, one for number and the other for person and number combined.

na-ja-laho-la-jkone-mok
3sg.erg-fut-see-pl.abs-probably-1pl.abs
he will probably see us

This paper provides a survey of these complex pronominal affix systems and identifies the types of splits which do, and do not, occur in them.

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